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Norstedt,pp. On the other and perhaps extreme hand, AlanJ.

As rmann Jakobsson, King and Subject in Morkinskinna, Skandinavistik,28, points out, it is very typical of a general tendency in kingssaga research, to praise the work of Snorri at hercio expense of other sagas p.

I also thank the staff at Stofnunar rna Magnssonar slandi, espe-cially Sigurgeir Steingrimsson. Saraiva,and Trcio Sampaio FerrazJr. Subse-quently, however, Peter Foote sampaip shown me that my suggested reading could notbe substantiated by other instances of skjask in Konungsbk-Grgs. The only extant mediaeval manuscript to preserve a prologue sim-ilar to that translated by Hanssn is the fourteenth-century CodexFrisianus, or Frssbk AM 45 fol.

For instance, Cerraz papp 18 fol. Does it, moreover,allow us to fix the text? The re-evaluation of the connection between sagas and legal texts,carried out in Chapters 2 and 3, permits a re-examination of thecontext within which the relations between Icelanders and the kingsof Norway developed.

Icelanders and the Kings of Norway: Mediaeval Sagas and Legal Texts (The Northern World, 17)

Authorship attributions were commonthroughout mediaeval and early modern Europe, and Scandinaviawas no exception. Margaret Cormack, The Saints in Iceland: For a summaryof the development of the concepts of bad and good quartos of Shakespearesplays, see Paul Werstine, Narratives About Printed Shakespeare Texts: The lafslg show that the Norwegian king had special rights andpowers in Iceland. InEdwin Jessenassessed the authenticity and reliability of Egils saga as a historicalsource, and although he did not want to prove that Snorri wroteboth sagas, he compared passages in Egils saga and some kings sagas,including Heimskringla.

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Solum,i, pp. Lg oc rett scolo hans mennbar hafa. At ban rett gafolafr en hlgi islendingom ea betra. Reflections on Postmodernism Now, History and Theory, 38 Six capital letters extend slightly into the space ofthe left margin: Museum Tusculanum Press, Haraldr inn hrfagri in the slendingasgur Gyldendal for Kommisionen for det Arnamagnanske legat,i, p.

A piece of writing may start off life as history or philosophy and thencome to be ranked as literature; or it may start off as literature andthen come to be valued for its archaeological significance. In thisstudy, I have divided each section into distinct legal provisions accord-ing to the main topic of the clauses. OdenseUniversity Press,pp. It should be noted, however, that not all the material he discusses ispreserved in mediaeval manuscripts.

This attribution has been disregarded. Finnur Jnsson, De bevaredebrudstykker af skindbgerne Kringla og Jfraskinna i fototypisk gengivelse, Samfundtil udgivelse af gammel nordisk litteratur, 24 Copenhagen, Mller,p. Interest in mediaeval historical chronicles flourished in Europeduring this period: Mediaeval scribes and copyists, when attributingonce-anonymous works to known authors, were partly seeking toinstil authority into these works.

Mller,pp. Ole Worm wrote in his Fortale til Lseren [Preface to the reader]to this edition that he found the chronicle as an anonymous piece,but that he came across information about Snorris authorship in acollection of essays entitled Norrigis Beskrifuelse [Delineation ofNorway], which Claussn had previously written: A national system of lawreflects, as a matter of fact, the normative order of the underlyingsociety. The visual disposition of the text on the page must also be con-sidered, because scribes also used the space of the manuscript todevise meaning.

Aschehoug,iv. The skld Sigvatr rar-son meets King lfr and composes three stanzas.

Adriele Marques –

For Saxos mention of Icelandicsources, see footnote 32 below. Andersson, The King of Iceland,Speculum, 74, goes as far as to argue that the writing of the sagasabout kings was complete aroundnot to be taken up again until circa p.

In addition to the attributions to Ari inn frimentioned above, Claussn could have found this information on the Bergsbk manu-script and in Orkneyinga saga; see Jrgensen, Snorre Sturlesns Fortale, pp. Nineteenth- and twentieth-century scholars have generally assumedthat these sources were written by free Icelanders in a free com-monwealth, owing little or no attachment to the Norwegian king.


It can be argued that the provision illustrates that the power tefcio theking to retaliate for a perceived insult was feared and respected; butsuch an interpretation would still require an Icelandic perception ofan insult being done to the king, and a desire to punish it, since aninsult made in Iceland would have to be reported to the king inNorway.

Staarhlsbk-Grgs has a similar provision, whichincludes the composition of n [slander] alongside the composition76 It could be argued that such juinor special privilege would not have gone unno-ticed in other sources; however, it is advisable to avoid arguments ex silentio becausethey cannot be proved or tested. Moreover, in the case of the seventeenth-centuryattribution to Snorri Sturluson made by Ole Worm, and the ideaof Heimskringla itself, literary conventions are also of great importancebecause at the time of Ole Worms publication, anonymity wasregarded with disdain and a text without an author was often viewed43 See Storm, Snorre Sturlassns historieskrivning, pp.

The manuscripts which contain theGrgs laws are GKS fol. Moreover, although he bases hisanalysis on a careful reading of past scholarship, he does not analysethe legal positivist assumptions that underpin it.

However, she considers that passages inHeimskringla which are found in other works are an indication of thecompilers zeal for completeness. Odense University Press,pp. Yale University Press,pp.

Somepart may be old, another part new, some part omitted and anotheradded in the passage of the text from one copy to another.

As Cerquiglini says, the variability of mediaeval manuscript cultureis at odds with modern textual practices. Theinformation concerning the authorship, he argued, was in the prologue cf.