Get this from a library! Anverso y reverso del liberalismo en Chile, [ Eduardo Cavieres]. Anverso y reverso del liberalismo en Chile, by Eduardo Cavieres. Anverso y reverso del liberalismo en Chile, by Eduardo Cavieres. Biblioteca Nacional de Chile Jose Toribio Medina MSS, Vol. “Anverso y reverso del liberalismo en Chile, ,” Historia, No. 34 (), pp.

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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Chile and New Zealand: Why some countries develop and others do not? Book Chile and New Zealand: Why some contries develop and other do not? Abstract The aim of this book is to analyse micro-foundational public policies in Chile and New Zealand. These countries were selected for comparison given that both nations underwent similar economic processes during the 20th century and both have a similar economic and political outlook in the 21st century.

The research focuses on micro-foundational public policies, following an eclectic methodology that combines qualitative and statistical analysis. Special attention is given to the transition from comparative advantage to competitive advantage as a part of a process of structural adjustment.

Consideration is also given to previous economic models and political regimes and the reasons why those models and regimes changed. She cannot be present with us, but will always remain with us. Table of Contents a. A Neo-equilibrium Point to Re- internationalisation of Competitiveness New Zealand [] and Chile [] Macroeconomic Policies in Chile and New Zealand Chile and New Zealand Primary to Tertiary — This new stage which has been mainly developed under pro-market3 neoliberal economic transformation has required — beyond micro and macroeconomics policies — the deployment of elaborated and discrete micro- foundational public policies [MfPP]4.

However, under the process of globalisation, the application and development of MfPP have been dissimilar between developing and developed nations.

The pro-market strategy demanded in phase 1 a process of economic stabilisation, in phase 2 an economic structural adjustment, and in phase 3, through a selective state intervention, the deployment of MfPP.

Thus, with the challenge of becoming more competitive in the international market, increasing productivity, diversifying exports of manufactured goods and adding value on them, MfPP have become a central matter to be addressed by nations.

Chile and New Zealand have not been disconnected from the above mentioned reality. Thus, comparing the processes and performances of phases 1, 2 and the uneven utilisation of the state in phase 3 of the neo-liberal model implemented by both nations, this book is guided by the follows two questions: In addition, three general inquiries drive this research and provide a comprehensive understanding of the political and social reasons for the economic changes: The aim of this book is to analyse the impact of neoliberal reforms applied by Chile and New Zealand since the year when both countries moved on from their own structuralist development model experiences.

Thus, along with observing their respective neoliberal transformations, the central goal of this thesis is to observe the micro-foundational public policies implemented Chile and New Zealand and to determine the role of the state as an actor for adjusting market imperfections. Also this thesis takes into account a historial understanding of Chile and New Zealand and the variables that explain their uneven social, economic and political development.

This research identifies and analyses the critical disparity in the implementation of neoliberal model between developed, developing and underdeveloped countries.

At the same time, a crucial objective is to calibrate the outcomes of the deployment of this model in Chile and New Zealand. Finally, this thesis presents an analysis on micro-foundational public policies that observes macro variables and selected areas. This study contains six chapters. The introduction presents the recent political and economic histories of Chile and New Zealand. Chapter 2 consists of a literature review. Thus, Marxist, neo-Marxist, Structuralist, Dependency, Neo-liberal and Neo- classical theories are examined to situate the State and market roles in economic development.

Chapter 3 analyses a theoretical description of competitiveness, as well as a framework to conceptualise competitiveness in developed and developing countries. This explains why, in the context of globalised production, micro- foundational policy is essential to market-driven projects. Chapter 5 reviews neo-liberalism as it was practised from in Chile and in New Zealand. Areas of similarity and difference, as well as the political circumstances surrounding the implementation of these policies, are highlighted in order to determine the structural and political factors that influenced the relative success [or failure] of each policy.


Chapter 6 presents the results of the comparisons. Data analyses of the results of eb promotion in both countries are provided. Discrete policy areas that serve as infrastructural foundations for increased exports and more diversified and competitive manufacturing are also examined. Chapter 7 summarises the main points of the research and liberalismp a special analysis of the policy improvements and alternatives observed in the cases of Chile and New Zealand.

However, Chile in and New Zealand in experienced similar economic transformations: In both cases, the shift was seen as the necessary approach for completing comprehensive reforms which could permit them to transit from comparative to competitive advantages economies. To achieve this aim, in both instances, macro and microeconomic reforms were implemented as part of stabilisation and structural adjustment processes. In addition, both countries carried out changes in international trade policy, initiating unilateral liberalisation processes, which had as its fundamental objectives the enhancement of international competitiveness and more efficient allocation of resources.

According to neo-liberal thought, stabilisation policies tackle macroeconomic problems, reducing the balance of payments deficits and inflation, thus quickly 5 By the late s, the Chilean State owned percent of the stock in the National Oil Company, the National Electricity Company, the National Sugar Company, the Army and Navy metal works and the telecommunications industry.

It was also the partial owner of many other j industries, including the large copper mines, the petrochemical complex and the Pacific Steel Company.

In some industries, relevant government organisations operated as statutory monopoly, while in others they controlled a large proportion of output and were significant employers in the industries. The shift from Import Substitution Industrialisation to the Export Led Model, therefore, brought the end of heavy state intervention, tariff reduction, an active role of the market and a central function for international trade as an engine of growth.

Gains from trade result from a more effective use of national resources regardless of the nature of the products in which productive factors are employed. Comparative advantage leads to the allocation of people and capital to the production of goods for which they are more productive [Ventura-Dias, Cabezas and Contador, ]. At the same time, structural adjustment8 focuses on microeconomic troubles, attempting liberalismmo manage the general weakness in the economy.

OSCA – Definition and synonyms of osca in the Spanish dictionary

As a consequence, public policies on liberalisation, privatisation and deregulation were developed to manage market imperfections and inefficiencies9. Similarly, as a result of the speed, depth and extent of their market-oriented economic reforms, Chile and New Zealand have attracted global abverso, political and economic attention. For example, Ffrench-Davis [, p.

Inas a consequence of the military coup in Chile, democracy was libera,ismo. This allowed the imposition, almost without restriction, of one of the largest and most violent neo-liberal projects during the 20th century, regardless of the social, political and economic costs. The economic naverso was dominated by an increase in the nominal exchange rate, a current account deficit, a government deficit, high interest rates, a trade deficit, high unemployment, as well as inflation. Bray and Neilson [, p.

According to Easton [], those reforms in New Chipe were motivated partly by orthodox economists and partly by the desire to apply their precepts to government. In neo-liberal ideas were developed in New Zealand. As result, according to Kelsey [, p.

Thus, from the early s, New Zealand transformed itself from one of the most to one of the least regulated of the developed economies [McMillan ]. Byin Chile stabilisation and structural adjustment had led to lliberalismo process of liberalising the financial market, reforming the health and pension system, privatising public enterprises, initiating a process of international trade reforms and deregulating the labour market. Macario [] argues that the import substitution development strategy, which had existed for several decades, was replaced by one based on opening up the economy and emphasising outward-oriented growth.

Thus, libedalismo radical, quick and comprehensive ideological change started to develop and take hold in Chilean society. Unlike the Chilean case, it is not clear that liberalismi of the objectives of New Zealand reforms was rapid and radical change of the general social economic ideology.


The initial concerns of the dictatorial regime were controlling macroeconomic disequilibria, especially the high inflation rate. The focus soon shifted to the inefficiencies of the prevailing economic system as perceived by neo-liberal beliefs [Ffrench-Davis, ].

Libera,ismo and New Zealand faced a second international oil price shock. As a result, New Zealand entered the s in the midst of economic crisis. Commodity prices were ajverso, there was little foreign direct investment in domestic manufacturing, and agricultural protectionism in Europe and North America was weakening its natural comparative advantages in primary production [Castles, Gerritsen and Vowles,p. Consequently, in the mids, New Zealand faced a crucial decision: Secondly, the strengthening of the OPEC oil cartel in caused a threefold rise in the price of oil [Dalziel and Lattimore, ].

Meaning of “osca” in the Spanish dictionary

Rayner and Lattimore [, p. Castles, Gerritsen and Vowles [, p. However, elsewhere in the OECD, enthusiasm for deregulation and economic rationalism mostly came from the political right: An additional interesting similarity exists between the two countries.

Chile and New Zealand experienced, before their economic transformation, certain movements aimed at economic liberalisation, which occurred in Chile before the s and in New Zealand in the s.

For example, Chile experienced two such periods between the s and s. The first was from to and involved the application of a reduction on tariffs, which fell from an average of per cent in to percent in However, the combination of expansionary fiscal and monetary policies was 12 For Rogernomics reforms see Kelsey ; Easton; Harris The second period, which ran from towas not as significant as the former. Nelson [] suggests that by the s some countries had accepted the prescriptions of the ISI model used for programmes of economic stabilisation and liberalisation, such as those adopted by Chile between and For its part New Zealand, like Chile, made two attempts at liberalising its economy before In the first period, which ran from tothe country tried to open an economy that had been over regulated since the s and characterised at the time by a trade policy that had import licensing, high tariff levels and restrictive exchange controls as its main tools for protecting local production.

The second period ran from to and developed in two phases. The first phase, from toaimed to shift New Zealand closer to neutrality in trade intervention. The second phase from to was implemented as a response to the international oil shocks that weakened the economic performance of New Zealand, raising the real costs of protecting import-competing industries and showing its economic structural weakness.

Consequently, with the idea of improving its participation in the international market, the New Zealand government focused its attention and efforts on export promotion 14 De la Cuadra and Hachette [] have defined this episode as contradictory and comparatively insignificant in relation to the former period.

When the causes of the trade surplus disappeared — the devalued currency with a boom in world commodity 16 prices, in part generated by the Korean War — and the newly freed imports accelerated the movement into deficit, import licensing was reintroduced [Rayner and Lattimore, ]. Nevertheless, at the time, no real connection existed between international economic globalisation processes and New Zealand policy-makers.

The general feeling was that that New Zealand, in the midst of a period of doubt and ambivalence, lacked the political and economic confidence to deploy in a wide sense the new neo- liberal precepts already in fashion in some places in the world. In this environment of uncertainty, the Muldoon government could not make any significant adjustments to the development strategy. Most analyses have centred mainly on two of the perspectives: This has been the general trend because MfPP and competitiveness literature has normally been subsumed within the analysis developed by the outward-oriented or export-led growth model.

This chapter is intended to develop an analytical discussion to clarify and distinguish amongt the three aforementioned positions.